The harm from the Eaton Fireplace wasn’t indiscriminate. The blaze that ravaged the town of Altadena, California, in January 2025, killing 17 folks and consuming over 9,000 buildings, destroyed Black Altadenans’ houses in biggest proportion.
About 48% of Black-owned houses sustained main harm or complete destruction, in contrast with 37% of these owned by Asian, Latino or white Altadenans, in accordance with a February 2025 report from the UCLA Ralph J. Bunche Middle for African American Research.
The Eaton Fireplace’s uneven devastation reveals a sample of racial discrimination beforehand hid alongside neat blocks of mid-century, ranch-style houses and tree-lined streets.
‘A spot for white folks solely’
Within the early twentieth century, Altadena was knowledgeable enclave linked to Los Angeles, 13 miles away, by the Pacific Electrical Railway, or “Purple Automotive” system.
It was additionally lily-white, and that’s how home-owner teams appreciated it, in accordance with analysis by Altadena historian Michele Zack.
These organizations, which had lofty names such because the Nice Northwest Enchancment Affiliation and West Altadena Enchancment Affiliation, urged householders to write down language into their deeds that may bar Black, Latino or Asian tenants from shopping for or renting there.
“We would like our part of Pasadena and Altadena to be a spot for white folks solely,” learn one householders affiliation discover despatched to property homeowners in 1919.
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By the top of World Struggle II, most properties in Altadena had racially restrictive deeds or covenants – a pattern being repeated in white suburbs throughout the nation.
In 1948, the U.S. Supreme Courtroom struck down such restrictions in Shelley v. Kraemer as unenforceable. Nonetheless, the 1950 census exhibits that Altadena had no Black residents.
Constructing the brand new LA
However the Los Angeles space was altering. The West Coast economic system boomed after the conflict, and Black People from Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas started heading to California. Many landed in Pasadena, instantly south of Altadena.
Claiming that People most well-liked buses and vehicles to trains, a consortium of car, oil and tire firms persuaded Los Angeles officers to tear out the electrical railway and exchange it with roads.
Los Angeles’ “Purple Automotive” system, which had linked the area, closed for good in 1961. Altadena had already misplaced its rail connection to Los Angeles lengthy earlier than, in 1941.
By mid-century, broader Los Angeles had turn out to be a sequence of homeowner-controlled enclaves linked by freeways and choked with smog.

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The development in 1958 of Interstate 210, which linked the San Fernando Valley to the San Gabriel Valley, ran a four-lane freeway by means of principally Black and Latino neighborhoods of Pasadena. Following a nationwide sample of displacing poor minority communities within the title of city renewal, it was a part of a redevelopment spree that finally pushed 4,000 Black and Latino residents out of the town.
Some relocated inside Pasadena or moved to Duarte, Monrovia, Pomona or South Los Angeles. However a handful of households purchased houses in Altadena, defying the unlawful racial covenants nonetheless in place there.
One new Black resident, Joseph Henry Davis, purchased a house west of Lake Avenue, the primary north-south artery dividing the town, in what was, as one native newspaper put it in 1964, an “all-white Altadena neighborhood.”
When Davis moved in, the story reviews, his new neighbors put up “a 40-inch white plaster cross that (learn) ‘you aren’t welcome right here.‘” The Davis household “paid it no consideration.”
Altadena embodied a paradox seen nationwide. Town built-in, however block-by-block segregation stored white and Black residents aside.
Discrimination in new kinds
By 1970, roughly one-third of Altadena’s inhabitants was Black, and 70% of Black households in Altadena owned their houses – almost double Los Angeles County’s Black house possession fee of 38%.
Black residents virtually solely lived in West Altadena. Tons there have been smaller than these on the east facet of city, so that they have been extra reasonably priced. They have been additionally older, which made them extra susceptible to fires as a result of they have been constructed with supplies that have been extra flammable than these utilized in newer houses.
As my guide “The Plunder of Black America: How the Racial Wealth Hole Was Made” exhibits, as soon as Black households surmounted one impediment, similar to racial covenants, one other rose as a substitute.
Within the Nineteen Sixties and Seventies, many white Altadenans resisted faculty integration, opposing boundary modifications and busing that may have put Black and Latino college students in predominantly white Altadena colleges. California handed Proposition 13 in 1978, freezing property taxes at 1% of their assessed worth. Public colleges misplaced important funding, non-public colleges gained prosperous college students, and academic segregation deepened.
Instructional discrimination feeds wealth inequality, which was extreme nationwide: In 1980, for each greenback a white family owned, a Black one owned 20 cents.
Rising house values, paradoxically, had a equally malignant impact. Within the Eighties, the Los Angeles space turned one of the crucial costly housing markets within the nation. Many Black Altadenans might now not afford to reside there. The share of the town’s inhabitants that was Black fell from 43% in 1980 to 38% in 1990. By the 2000s it had dropped to beneath 25%.
Nice Recession takes its toll
Black householders who remained in Altadena have been hit onerous by the 2008 housing disaster. That disaster was brought on partially by lenders steering debtors, significantly debtors of colour, into subprime loans, even once they certified for higher offers.
Between 2007 and 2009, Black households misplaced 48% of their wealth – almost half their property. White wealth dropped through the Nice Recession, too, however solely by about one-quarter.
Analysis into this racial discrepancy later confirmed that as a result of white households had extra of a monetary cushion, they might stem their losses.
These and different components have all dragged down the wealth of Black Californians through the years. In 2023, California’s job power on reparations calculated that the state’s discriminatory practices value the typical African American in California $160,931 in homeownership wealth in contrast with a white Californian.
Racism fuels the hearth
These inequities have been a tinderbox that the Eaton Fireplace ignited.
Altadena is inherently susceptible to fireplace as a result of it borders the Angeles Nationwide Forest, will get Santa Ana winds that unfold embers, and has extremely flammable vegetation. However as a result of Black Altadenans’ houses sit on smaller heaps, with constructions and landscaping situated nearer collectively, the ember fireplace unfold extra simply in Black neighborhoods.

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Black Altadenans additionally are typically older than their white neighbors, as a result of most had purchased into the realm earlier than the true property growth of the Eighties. The bodily and monetary strains typical of an growing old family might have brought on hardships for eradicating vegetation – a finest follow in defending a construction from an ember fireplace.
All these components doubtless contributed to the Eaton Fireplace disproportionately burning Black-owned houses. All are linked to the town’s legacy of discrimination and exclusion. And they’ll all make fireplace restoration more durable for Black Altadenans, too.
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