I went to see how the Tories are dealing with defeat – and located Faragism and a complete lack of reflection | Polly Toynbee

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I went to see how the Tories are dealing with defeat – and located Faragism and a complete lack of reflection | Polly Toynbee

The Bruges Group celebrated its thirty fifth anniversary final week within the august portals of the Military and Navy membership in Pall Mall in central London. The group was shaped in 1989 and, in case you weren’t round again then, ignited the nice break up within the Tory get together, after Margaret Thatcher made a speech in Bruges calling a halt to any nearer federalism in Europe. Although she was by no means mad sufficient to be a leaver, this group used her phrases to ship the primary Brexit snowball rolling downhill till it was the avalanche that lastly broke the Tory get together into items. They unfold Europhobia by their get together till all candidates needed to take a look at constructive for Brexit. Now lots of their members, together with the group’s president, Norman Tebbit, are becoming a member of a brand new revolt, clamouring to merge with the Faragists. “What you’re seeing is a revolution!” one hissed at me. “There’s no going again!”

Days after their get together’s worst ever election defeat, I used to be anticipating extra of a wake. However no tears have been being shed for his or her deceased authorities or fallen MPs. As a substitute a gleeful “we advised you so” crammed the room, which frequently devolved into bare hatred for his or her defunct authorities. From a lectern decked with a portrait of Thatcher, the chair, former MP Barry Legg, mentioned that in “its 14 years in workplace, it’s not been a Conservative authorities in any respect. It’s been an enormous state get together.” The declare that “One Nation took over the get together” raised jeers. (Odd this, because the One Nationers have been notably silent over ever-more excessive insurance policies.)

“Sunak by no means had the curiosity of the nation” drew extra hissing, with contempt for his “gimcrack manifesto”. The chair yearned for some “determine of substance and integrity to emerge as a pacesetter to scale back the state”. Who can be “the most effective to return ahead and communicate from the guts? Somebody with the economics of Enoch Powell!” Many within the room referred to as out “Nigel!” to cheers. Some demurred: “Farage is simply considering himself.” Somebody mentioned “Kemi!” to some cheers. Somebody mentioned “Iain Duncan Smith”, a Bruges Group member. Most luminaries of the correct have been there: John Redwood and Michael Howard, Norman Lamont and Sir John Nott.

The temper for Faragism was swelling within the room. “That is the primary time in my lengthy life I didn’t vote Conservative” drew a lot clapping. “My head mentioned Conservative however my coronary heart mentioned Nigel!” Nice cheers as somebody referred to as for rebuilding the long run round “Nigel’s ideas”. In useless, the chair protested that Farage has 25 occasions fewer seats than theirs, however one name will resonate with Labour folks from its unhealthy previous days: a member requested, to loud applause, “Can we care extra about seats or backing one thing we consider in?” The guts had the room. Not a pleasant coronary heart, at occasions: a girl harangued me about Jews controlling every part.

Most have been for Farage – ending internet zero, reducing taxes, quitting the European conference on human rights, shrinking the state, stamping out “wokery” and, in fact, “maximising the advantages of Brexit”. Solely the incorrect classes had been realized from the election consequence. This group is only one of many carbuncles on the Tory proper: the Spartans of the European Analysis Group, the Widespread Sense, Northern Analysis and Blue Collar Conservatism teams, plus too many others to checklist. The misnamed Widespread Conservatives met final week with the previous MP Jacob Rees-Mogg and Suella Braverman urging a merger with Farage’s get together “to unite the Conservative household”, egged on by a press that so badly misleads them on the “center England” way of thinking.

As get together hierarchs argue over when to carry a management election, issues might run past their management. Take a latest YouGov survey performed for the Social gathering Members Venture at Queen Mary College of London and Sussex College. Tory members are evenly break up on merging with Reform UK, it finds, which displays the seething argument in that room. Tim Bale, one of many survey’s authors, advised me the thought of “uniting the correct is flawed”: many extra Conservative voters would flee a Reform merged get together. Along with his wolfish grin, Farage says he’s “coming for Labour”, however Bale identified how few earlier Labour voters he attracted, a mere 4%.

The Tories, he mentioned, ought to purpose for Liberal Democrat and Labour votes the place they got here second in lots of extra seats. Turning proper to woo Reform votes, not to mention merging with the get together, will drive many extra away than it attracts. (Labour and the Lib Dems know by intuition that, though each could also be progressives, any merger speak would drive away Lib Dem voters who would by no means again Labour.) Why would a celebration with 121 seats select to be swallowed up by a minnow with simply 5? Tory members would select essentially the most rightwing candidate on provide: Bale factors out that the majority European conservative events don’t let members choose their leaders.

Right here’s one other error. Profitable populist events in Europe are social and cultural conservatives, particularly on immigration, however in Hungary, the Netherlands, France and Italy all of them moved left on the financial system, the scale of the state, pensions and public companies in line with the Monetary Occasions’ knowledge cruncher John Burn-Murdoch. To succeed as populists, Farage and all these Tory factions really want standard insurance policies. However since proper economics are burrowed deep of their DNA, it will take a huge political somersault to desert their ideas of free markets, a small state, and cuts to taxes and public-sector spending.

Look what Farage advocates: non-public insurance coverage for the NHS, £50bn tax and spending cuts, reducing company tax, and a number of different insurance policies which can be unpopular even with most Tory voters. His help for Donald Trump is shared by simply 20% of the British (67% dislike the US presidential candidate). Immigration does matter vastly: each authorities wants to manage its borders. Nevertheless it’s a prime precedence for surprisingly few voters: 60% of Reform voters put it prime, however solely 2% of Labour voters, says Bale. Burn-Murdoch noticed that UK voters are “no much less nativist or reactionary than their continental counterparts”, however Reform is simply too distant from voters on all different key points.

Till the correct turns into genuinely populist, Labour has nothing to worry however worry itself. Farage just isn’t “coming for” it. Even so, the person has dominated British politics not by profitable, however by horrifying the life out of different events. Until the Tories can shake off this Farage fascination and regain public belief on the financial system, the general public realm and competence to manipulate, Labour will command the bottom that the majority voters inhabit: an honest authorities, social justice, local weather motion and the lengthy uphill street to restore public companies wrecked by the Tories. The Bruges Group anniversary was reminder of the forces that sowed the Brexit seeds of Tory collapse, and the way far its get together is from restoration.


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